Published in 1940[?] by the Washington Journal[?]
under the auspices of the Deutsche Informationsstelle.
This digitized version © 2009 by The
Scriptorium.
Dr. Friedrich Stieve
[1]
Germany's enemies maintain today that Adolf Hitler is the greatest disturber of
peace known to history, that he threatens every nation with sudden attack and
oppression, that he has created a terrible war machine in order to cause trouble
and devastation all around him. At the same time they intentionally conceal an
all-important fact: they themselves drove the Leader of the German people
finally to
draw the sword. They themselves compelled him to seek to obtain at last by the
use of force that which he had been striving to gain by persuasion from the
beginning: the security of his country. They did this not only by
declaring war on him on September 3, 1939, but also
by blocking step for step for seven years the path to any peaceful discussion.
The attempts repeatedly made by Adolf Hitler to induce the governments of other
states to collaborate with him in a reconstruction of Europe resemble an
ever-recurring pattern in his conduct since the commencement of his labors for the
German Reich. But these attempts were wrecked every time by reason of the fact
that nowhere was there any willingness to give them due consideration, because
the evil spirit of the Great War still prevailed everywhere, because in London and
Paris and in the capitals of the Western Powers' vassal states there was only
one fixed intention: to perpetuate the power of Versailles.
A rapid glance at the most important events will furnish incontrovertible proof for
this statement.
When Adolf Hitler came to the fore, Germany was as gagged and as helpless as
the victors of 1918 wanted her to be. Completely disarmed, with an army of only
100,000 men intended solely for police duties within the country, she found
herself within a tightly closed ring of neighbors all armed to the teeth and leagued
together. To the old enemies in the West, Britain, Belgium and France, new ones
were artificially created and added in the East and the South: above all Poland and
Czechoslovakia. A quarter of the population
[2] of Germany were forcibly torn away from their
mother country and handed over to foreign powers. The Reich, mutilated on all
sides and robbed of every means of defense, at any moment could become the
helpless victim of some rapacious neighbor.
Then it was that Adolf Hitler for the first time made his appeal to the common
sense of the other powers. On May 17, 1933, a few months after his
appointment to the office of Reichskanzler, he delivered a speech in the German
Reichstag, from which we extract the following passages:
"Germany will be perfectly ready to disband her entire military
establishment and destroy the small amount of arms remaining to her, if the
neighboring countries will do the same thing with equal thoroughness.
... Germany is entirely ready to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort if the
armed nations, on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons within a
specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international convention.
... Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive weapons if the rest of
the world does the same. Germany is prepared to agree to any solemn pact of
non-aggression because she does not think of attacking anybody but only
of acquiring security."
No answer was received.
Without paying any heed the others continued to fill their arsenals with weapons,
to pile up their stores of explosives, to increase the numbers of their troops. At the
same time the League of Nations, the instrument of the victorious powers,
declared that Germany must first pass through a period of "probation" before it
would be possible to discuss with her the question of the disarmament of the other
countries. On October 14, 1933, Hitler broke away from this League of
Nations with which it was impossible to come to any agreement. Shortly
afterwards, however, on December 18, 1933, he came forward with a
new proposal for the improvement of international relations. This proposal
included the following six points:
"1. Germany receives full equality of rights.
2. The fully armed States undertake amongst themselves not to increase
their armaments beyond their present level.
3. Germany adheres to this agreement, freely undertaking to make only
so much actual moderate use of the equality of rights granted to her as will not
represent a threat to the security of any other European power.
[3] 4. All States recognize certain
obligations in regard to conducting war on humane principles, or to the
elimination of certain weapons for use against the civilian population.
5. All States accept a uniform general control which will watch over and
ensure the observance of these obligations.
6. The European nations guarantee one another the unconditional
maintenance of peace by the conclusion of non-aggression pacts, to be renewed
after ten years."
Following upon this a proposal was made to increase the strength of the German
army to 300,000 men, corresponding to the strength required by Germany "having
regard to the length of her frontiers and the size of the armies of her neighbors", in
order to protect her threatened territory against attacks. The defender of the
principle of peaceable agreement was thus trying to accommodate himself to the
unwillingness of the others to disarm by expressing a desire for a limited increase
of armaments for his own country. An exchange of notes, starting from this
and continuing for years, finally came to a sudden end with an unequivocal "no"
from France. This "no" was moreover accompanied by tremendous increases
in the armed forces of France, Britain and Russia.
In this way Germany's position became still worse than before. The danger to the
Reich was so great that Adolf Hitler felt himself compelled to act. On
March
16, 1935, he reintroduced conscription. But in direct connection with this
measure he once more announced an offer of agreements of an extensive nature,
the purpose of which was to ensure that any future war would be conducted on
humane principles, in fact to make such a war practically impossible by
eliminating destructive armaments. In his speech of
May 21, 1935, he
declared:
"The German Government is ready to take an active part in all efforts which
may lead to a practical limitation of armaments. It regards a return to the former
idea of the Geneva Red Cross Convention as the only possible way to achieve
this. It believes that at first there will be only the possibility of a gradual abolition
and outlawry of weapons and methods of warfare which are essentially contrary to
the Geneva Red Cross Convention which is still valid.
Just as the use of dumdum bullets was once forbidden and, on the whole, thereby
prevented in practice, so the use of other definite arms should be forbidden and
prevented. Here the German Govern- [4] ment has in mind all those arms which bring death
and destruction not so much to the fighting soldiers as to
non-combatant women and children.
The German Government considers as erroneous and ineffective the idea to do
away with aeroplanes while leaving the question of bombing open. But it believes
it possible to proscribe the use of certain arms as contrary to international law and
to excommunicate those nations which still use them from the community of
mankind, its rights and its laws.
It also believes that gradual progress is the best way to success. For example, there
might be prohibition of the dropping of gas, incendiary and explosive bombs
outside the real battle zone. This limitation could then be extended to complete
international outlawry of all bombing. But so long as bombing as such is
permitted, any limitation of the number of bombing planes is questionable in view
of the possibility of rapid substitution.
Should bombing as such be branded as a barbarity contrary to international law,
the construction of bombing aeroplanes will soon be abandoned as superfluous
and of no purpose. If, through the Geneva Red Cross Convention, it turned out
possible as a matter of fact to prevent the killing of a defenseless wounded man or
prisoner, it ought to be equally possible to forbid, by an analogous convention,
and finally to stop, the bombing of equally defenseless civilian populations.
In such a fundamental way of dealing with the problem, Germany sees a greater
reassurance and security for the nations than in all pacts of assistance and military
conventions.
The German Government is ready to agree to any limitation which leads to
abolition of the heaviest arms, especially suited for aggression. Such are, first, the
heaviest artillery, and, secondly, the heaviest tanks. In view of the enormous
fortifications on the French frontier such international abolition of the heaviest
weapons of attack would ipso facto give France 100 per cent security.
Germany declares herself ready to agree to any limitation whatsoever of
the calibre-strength of artillery, battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats. In like
manner the German Government is ready to accept any international limitation of
the size of warships. And finally it is ready to agree to limitation of tonnage for
submarines, or to their complete abolition in case of international agreement.
[5] And it gives the further assurance that it will agree
to any international limitation or abolition of arms whatsoever for a uniform space
of time."
This time again Hitler's declarations did not find the slightest response.
On the contrary, France made an alliance with Russia in order to increase her
preponderating influence on the Continent still further, and to augment to a
gigantic degree the pressure on Germany from the East.
In view of the evident destructive intentions of his opponents, Adolf Hitler was
therefore obliged to take new measures to ensure the safety of the German Reich.
On
March 3, 1936, he occupied the Rhineland, which had been without
military protection since Versailles, and thus closed the wide gate through which
the Western neighbor could carry out an invasion. Once again he followed the
defensive step which he had been obliged to take with a liberal appeal for general
reconciliation and for the settlement of all differences. On
March 31,
1936, he formulated the following peace plan:
"1. In order to give to future agreements securing the peace of
Europe the character of inviolable treaties, those nations participating in the
negotiations do so only on an entirely equal footing and as equally esteemed
members. The sole compelling reason for signing these treaties can only lie in the
generally recognized and obvious practicability of these agreements for the peace
of Europe, and thus for the social happiness and economic prosperity of the
nations.
2. In order to shorten in the economic interest of the European nations
the period of uncertainty, the German Government proposes a limit of four
months for the first period up to the signing of the pacts of
non-aggression guaranteeing the peace of Europe.
3. The German Government gives the assurance not to add any
reinforcements whatsoever to the troops in the Rhineland during this period,
always provided that the Belgian and French Governments act in the same
way.
4. The German Government gives the assurance not to move during this
period closer to the Belgian and French frontiers the troops at present stationed in
the Rhineland.
5. The German Government proposes the setting up of a commission
composed of the two guarantor Powers, Britain and Italy, and a disinterested third
neutral power, to guarantee this assurance to be given by both parties.
[6] 6. Germany, Belgium and France are
each entitled to send a representative to this Commission. If Germany, France or
Belgium think that for any particular reason they can point to a change in the
military situation having taken place within this period of four months, they have
the right to inform the Guarantee Commission of their observations.
7. Germany, Belgium and France declare their willingness in such a case
to permit this Commission to make the necessary investigations through the
British and Italian military attaches, and to report thereon to the Powers
participating.
8. Germany, Belgium and France give the assurance that they will
bestow the fullest consideration to the objections arising therefrom.
9. Moreover the German Government is willing on a basis of complete
reciprocity with Germany's two western neighbors to agree to any military
limitations on the German western frontier.
10. Germany, Belgium and France and the two guarantor Powers agree
to enter into negotiations under the leadership of the British Government at once
or, at the latest, after the French elections, for the conclusion of
a 25-years non-aggression or security pact between France and Belgium on the
one hand, and Germany on the other.
11. Germany agrees that Britain and Italy shall sign this security pact as
guarantor Powers once more.
12. Should special engagements to render military assistance arise as a
result of these security agreements, Germany on her part declares her willingness
to enter into such engagements.
13. The German Government hereby repeats its proposal for the
conclusion of an
air-pact to supplement and consolidate these security agreements.
14. The German Government repeats that should the Netherlands so
desire it is willing to include that country too in this West-European security
agreement.
15. In order to stamp this peace-pact, voluntarily entered into between
Germany and France, as the reconciliatory conclusion of a centuries-old dispute,
Germany and France pledge themselves to take steps to see that in the education
of the young, as well as in the press and publications of both nations, everything
shall be avoided which might be calculated to poison the relationship between the
two [7] peoples, whether it be a
derogatory or contemptuous attitude, or improper interference in the internal
affairs of the other country. They agree to set up at the headquarters of the League
of Nations at Geneva, a joint commission whose function it shall be to lay all
complaints received before the two Governments for information and
investigation.
16. In pursuance of their intention to give this agreement the character of
a sacred pledge, Germany and France undertake to ratify it by means of a
plebiscite of the two nations.
17. Germany expresses her willingness, on her part, to establish contact
with the states on her
south-eastern and north-eastern frontiers, in order to invite them directly to
conclude the pacts of
non-aggression already proposed.
18. Germany expresses her willingness to re-enter the League of
Nations, either at once, or after the conclusion of these agreements. At the same
time, the German Government again expresses as its expectation that, after a
reasonable time and by the method of friendly negotiations, the question of
colonial equality of rights and that of the separation of the Covenant of the League
of Nations from its foundations in the Versailles Treaty will be cleared up.
19. Germany proposes the setting up of an International Court of
Arbitration, which shall be responsible for the observance of the various
agreements concluded, and whose decisions shall be binding on all parties.
After the conclusion of this great work of securing European peace, the German
Government considers it urgently necessary to endeavor by practical measures to
put a stop to the unlimited competition in armaments. In her opinion this would
mean not merely an improvement in the financial and economic position of the
nations, but above all a diminution of the psychological tension.
The German Government, however, has no faith in the attempt to bring about
universal settlements, as this would be doomed to failure from the outset, and can
therefore be proposed only by those who have no interest in achieving practical
results. On the other hand it is of the opinion that the negotiations held and the
results achieved in limiting naval armaments should have an instructive and
stimulating effect.
The German Government therefore proposes that future conferences shall have
one clearly defined objective.
[8] For the present, it believes the most important
task is to bring aerial warfare into the moral and humane atmosphere of the
protection afforded to non-combatants or the wounded by the Geneva Convention.
Just as the killing of defenseless wounded, or prisoners, or the use of dumdum
bullets, or the waging of submarine warfare without warning, have been either
forbidden or regulated by international conventions, so it must be possible for
civilized humanity to prevent the senseless abuse of any new type of weapon,
without running counter to the object of warfare.
The German Government therefore puts forward the proposal that the immediate
practical tasks of this conference shall be:
1. Prohibition of dropping gas, poison, or incendiary bombs.
2. Prohibition of dropping bombs of any kind whatsoever on open towns
and villages outside the range of the
medium-heavy artillery of the fighting fronts.
3. Prohibition of the bombarding with long-range guns of towns more
than 20 km. distant from the battle zone.
4. Abolition and prohibition of the construction of tanks of the heaviest
type.
5. Abolition and prohibition of artillery of the heaviest calibre.
As soon as possibilities for further limitation of armaments emerge from such
discussions and agreements, they should be utilized.
The German Government hereby declares itself prepared to join in every such
settlement, in so far as it is valid internationally.
The German Government believes that if even a first step is made on the road to
disarmament, this will be of enormous importance to the relationship between the
nations, and to the recovery of confidence, trade and prosperity.
In accordance with the general desire for the restoration of favorable economic
conditions, the German Government is prepared immediately after the conclusion
of the political treaties to enter into an exchange of opinions on economic
problems with the other nations concerned, in the spirit of the proposals made,
and to do all that lies in its power to improve the economic situation in Europe,
and the world economic situation which is closely bound up with it.
[9] The German Government believes that with
the peace plan proposed above it has made its contribution to the reconstruction of
a new Europe on the basis of reciprocal respect and confidence between sovereign
states. Many opportunities for such a pacification of Europe, for which Germany
has so often in the last few years made her proposals, have been neglected. May
this attempt to achieve European understanding succeed at last!
The German Government confidently believes that it has opened the way in this
direction by submitting the above peace plan."
Anyone who today reads this comprehensive peace plan will realize in what
direction the development of Europe, according to the wishes of Adolf Hitler,
should really have proceeded. Here was the possibility of truly constructive work,
this could have been a real turning-point for the welfare of all nations. But once
more he who alone called for peace was not heard. Only Britain replied with a
rather scornful questionnaire which avoided any serious consideration of the
essential points involved. Incidentally, however, she disclosed her actual
intentions by setting herself up as the protector of France and by instituting and
commencing regular military staff conversations with the French Republic just as
in the period before the Great War.
There could no longer be any doubt now that the Western Powers were following
the old path towards an armed conflict and were steadily preparing a new blow
against Germany, although Adolf Hitler's whole thoughts and endeavors were
directed towards proving to them that he wanted to remain on the best possible
terms with them. In the course of the years he had undertaken numerous steps in
this direction, of which a few more shall be referred to here. He negotiated the
Naval Agreement of June 18, 1935 with Great Britain, which provided
that the German Navy should only have a strength of 35% of that of the British
Navy. By this he wanted to demonstrate that the Reich, to use his own words, had
"neither the intention nor the means, nor was it necessary" to enter into any rivalry
as regards naval power, such as had had so fateful an influence on its relations to
Great Britain in the well-remembered days before the Great War.
He assured France on every possible occasion of his desire to live at peace with
her. He repeatedly renounced in plain terms any claim to
Alsace-Lorraine. On the return to the Reich of the Saar territory as the result of the
plebiscite, he declared on March 1, 1935:
[10] "It is our hope that
through this act of just compensation, in which we see a return to natural reason,
relations between Germany and France have permanently improved. Therefore as
we desire peace, we must hope that our great neighbor is ready and willing to seek
peace with us. It must be possible for two great people to join together and
collaborate in opposing the difficulties which threaten to overwhelm
Europe."
Thus on all sides he opposed to the enemy plans his determination to preserve
peace and strove to protect Germany in this way. When however he saw that
London and Paris were arming for attack, he was once more obliged to undertake
fresh measures of defense. The enemy camp, as we have seen above, had been
enormously extended through the alliance between France and Russia. In addition
to this the two powers had secured a line of communication to the south of the
Reich through Czechoslovakia having concluded a treaty with Russia which put
her in the position of a bridge between east and west. Czechoslovakia, however,
was in control of the high-lying country of Bohemia and Moravia, which
Bismarck had called the citadel of Europe, and this citadel projected far into
German territory. The threat to Germany thus assumed truly overpowering
proportions.
The genius of Adolf Hitler found a way of meeting this danger. The
conditions in
German Austria, which under the terror of the Schuschnigg Government were
tending towards civil war, offered him the opportunity of stepping in to save the
situation, and to lead back into the Reich the sister nation to the south-east that
had been sentenced by the victorious powers to lead the life of a hopelessly
decaying "Free State". After he had thus established himself near the line of
communication between France and Russia mentioned above, a process of
dissolution set in in the mixed State of Czechoslovakia, which had been
artificially put together from the most diverse national elements, until after the
liberation of the Sudetenland and the secession of Slovakia, the Czechs
themselves asked for the protection of the German Reich. With this the enemy's
bridge came into Adolf Hitler's possession; and at the same time direct
[11] connection was made possible with Italy, whose
friendship had been secured some time previously.
While he was gaining this strategical success for the security of his country, Adolf
Hitler was again endeavoring with great eagerness to reach a peaceable
understanding with the Western Powers. In Munich directly after liberation of the
Sudeten Germans, approved by Britain, France and Italy, he made an agreement
with the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, the text of which was a
follows:
"We have had a further meeting to-day and have agreed in recognizing that
the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the two
countries and for Europe.
We regard the agreement signed last night and the Anglo-German Naval
Agreement as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with
one another again.
We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted to
deal with any other questions that may concern our two countries, and we are
determined to continue our efforts to remove possible sources of difference and
thus to contribute to assure the peace of Europe."
September 30, 1938.
Adolf Hitler, Neville Chamberlain."
Two months later, on Hitler's instructions, the German Foreign Minister, von
Ribbentrop, made the following agreement with France:
"Herr Joachim von Ribbentrop, Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs,
and M. Georges Bonnet, French Minister of Foreign
Affairs,
acting in the name and by order of their Governments, are,
at their meeting in Paris, on December 6, 1938, agreed as follows:
1. The German Government and the French Government fully share the
conviction that peaceful and good-neighborly relations between Germany and
France constitute one of the most essential elements for the consolidation of the
situation in Europe and the maintenance of general peace. The two Governments
will in consequence use all their efforts to ensure the development of the relations
between their countries in this direction.
[12] 2. The two Governments recognize that
between the two countries there is no territorial question outstanding, and they
solemnly recognize as final the frontiers between their countries as they now
exist.
3. The two Governments are resolved, while leaving unaffected their
particular relations with other Powers, to remain in contact with regard to all
questions concerning their two countries, and mutually to consult should the later
evolution of those questions lead to international difficulties.
In token whereof the representatives of the two Governments have signed the
present Declaration, which comes into immediate effect.
Done in two original Documents in the French and German language respectively,
in Paris, December 6, 1938.
Joachim von Ribbentrop,
Reich Minister for Foreign
Affairs
Georges Bonnet,
Minister for Foreign
Affairs"
Just at this time Adolf Hitler was occupied with the task of finally eliminating
sources of friction with Poland. For this purpose he had made an uncommonly
generous proposal by which the purely German Free City of Danzig would return
to the Reich, and a narrow passage through the Polish Corridor, which since 1919
had torn asunder the north-eastern part of Germany to an unbearable extent, would
provide communication with the separated area. This proposal, which moreover
afforded Poland the prospect of a 25-year non-aggression pact and other
advantages, was nevertheless
rejected in Warsaw, because there it was
believed, conscious as the authorities were of forming one of the principal
members of the common
[13] front set up by London against Germany, that
any concession, however minor, could be refused. This was not all! With the same
consciousness Poland then started to be aggressive, threatened Danzig, and
prepared to take up arms against Germany.
Thus the moment was close at hand for the attack on the Reich by the countries
which had been brought together for the purpose. Adolf Hitler, making a final
extreme effort in the interests of peace, saved what he could. On August
23rd, Ribbentrop succeeded in reaching an agreement in Moscow for a
non-aggression pact with Russia. Two days later the German Fuehrer himself made a
final and truly remarkable offer to Britain, declaring himself ready "to enter into
agreements with Great Britain", "which... would not only, on the German side, in
any case safeguard the existence of the British Empire, but if necessary would
guarantee German assistance for the British Empire, irrespective of where such
assistance might be required".
At the same time he was prepared "to accept a reasonable limitation of
armaments, in accordance with the new political situation and economic
requirements". And finally he assured once again that he had no interest in the
issues in the west and that "a correction of the borders in the west are out of any
consideration."
The reply to this was a pact of assistance signed the same day between Britain and
Poland, which rendered the outbreak of war inevitable. Then a decision was made
in Warsaw to mobilize at once against Germany, and the Poles began with violent
attacks not only on
the Germans in Poland, who for some time had been
the victims of frightful massacres, but
on Germans in German territory.
But even when Britain and France had already
declared the war
they desired, and Germany had overcome the Polish danger in the east
by a glorious campaign without a parallel, even then Adolf Hitler raised his voice
once more in the name of peace. He did so although his hands were now free to
act against the enemy in the west. He did so, although the fight against him
personally was proclaimed in London and Paris, in immeasurable hate, as a
crusade. At this moment he possessed the supreme self-control to proclaim in his
speech of
October 6, 1939, a new plan for the pacification of Europe to
public opinion throughout the world. This plan was as follows:
"By far the most important task, in my opinion, is the creation of not only a
belief in, but also a sense of, European security.
[14] 1. For this it is necessary that the aims
of the foreign policy of each European State should be made perfectly clear. As
far as Germany is concerned, the Reich Government is ready to give a thorough
and exhaustive exposition of the aims of its foreign policy. In so doing, it begins
by stating that the Treaty of Versailles is now regarded by it as obsolete, in other
words, that the Government of the German Reich and with it the whole German
people no longer see cause or reason for any further revision of the Treaty, apart
from the demand for adequate colonial possessions justly due to the Reich,
involving in the first place a return of the German colonies.
This demand for colonies is based not only on Germany's historical claim to her
colonies, but above all on her elementary right to a share of the world's resources
of raw materials. This demand does not take the form of an ultimatum, nor is it a
demand which is backed by force, but a demand based on political justice and
sane economic principles.
2. The demand for a real revival of international economic life coupled
with an extension of trade and commerce presupposes a reorganization of the
international economic system, in other words, of production in the individual
states. In order to facilitate the exchange of the goods thus produced, however, a
new system of markets must be found and a final settlement of currencies arrived
at, so that the obstacles in the way of unrestricted trade can be gradually
removed.
3. The most important condition, however, for a real revival of
economic life in and outside of Europe is the establishment of an unconditionally
guaranteed peace and of a sense of security on the part of the individual nations.
This security will not only be rendered possible by the final sanctioning of the
European status, but above all by the reduction of armaments to a reasonable and
economically tolerable level. An essential part of this necessary sense of security,
however, is a clear definition of the legitimate use and application of certain
modern armaments which can at any given moment strike straight at the heart of
every nation and hence create a permanent sense of insecurity. In my previous
speeches in the Reichstag I made proposals with this end in view. At that time
they were rejected - presumably for the simple reason that they were made
by me.
I believe, however, that a sense of national security will not return to Europe until
clear and binding international agreements [15] have provided a comprehensive definition of the
extent to which the use of certain weapons is permitted or forbidden.
The Geneva Convention once succeeded in prohibiting, in civilized countries at
least, the killing of wounded, the ill-treatment of prisoners, war against
non-combatants, etc., and just as it was possible gradually to achieve the universal
observance of this statute, a way ought surely to be found to regulate aerial
warfare, the use of poison gas, of submarines etc., and also so to define
contraband that war will lose its terrible character of a conflict waged against
women and children and against non-combatants in general. The growing horror
of certain methods of modern warfare will of its own accord lead to their
abolition, and thus they will become obsolete.
In the war with Poland, I endeavored to restrict aerial warfare to objectives of
military importance, or only to employ it to combat resistance
at a given point.
But it must surely be possible to emulate the Red Cross in drawing up some
universally valid international regulation. It is only when this is achieved that
peace can reign, particularly on our densely populated continent a peace which,
un-contaminated by suspicion and fear, will provide the only possible condition
for real economic prosperity. I do not believe that there is any responsible
statesman in Europe who does not in his heart desire prosperity for his people. But
such a desire can only be realized if all the nations inhabiting this continent decide
to work together. To assist in ensuring this co-operation must be the aim of every
man who is sincerely struggling for the future of his own people.
To achieve this great end, the leading nations on this continent will one day have
to come together in order to draw up, accept and guarantee a statute on a
comprehensive basis which will ensure for them a sense of security, of
calm, - in short, of peace.
Such a conference could not possibly be held without the most thorough
preparation, i. e. without exact elucidation of every point at issue. It is equally
impossible that such a conference, which would determine the fate of this
continent for many years to come, could carry on its deliberations while cannons
are thundering, or mobilized armies bringing pressure to bear upon it. Since,
however, these problems must be solved sooner or later, it would surely be more
sensible to tackle the solution before millions of men are first uselessly sent to
their death, and billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed.
The continuation of the present state of affairs in the west is unthinkable. Each
day will soon demand increasing sacrifices. Perhaps the day will come when
France will begin to bombard and demolish Saarbrücken. The German
artillery will in turn lay Mühlhausen in ruins. France will retaliate by
bombarding Karlsruhe, and [16] Germany in her turn shell Strassburg. Then the
French artillery will fire at Freiburg, and the Germans at Kolmar or Schlettstadt.
Long-range artillery will then be set up, and from both sides destruction will strike
deeper and deeper, and whatever cannot be reached by the long-range artillery will
be destroyed from the air. And that will be very interesting for certain
international journalists, and very profitable for the aeroplane, arms, and munition
manufacturers, etc., but appalling for the victims. And this battle of destruction
will not be confined to the land. No, it will reach far out over the sea. To-day there
are no longer any islands.
And the national wealth of Europe will be scattered in the form of shells, and
the vigor of every nation will be sapped on the battlefields. One day, however,
there will again be a frontier between Germany and France, but instead of
flourishing towns there will be ruins and endless graveyards."
The fate of this plan was the same as that of all
the previous appeals made by Adolf Hitler in the name of reason, in the interests
of a true renascence of Europe. His enemies paid him no heed. On this occasion
also no response was forthcoming from them. They rigidly adhered to the attitude
which they had taken up in the beginning.
In the face of this series of historical facts is there any need for further details as to
the question of why they did so? They had created Versailles, and when
Versailles threatened to collapse they wanted the war, in order to follow it with an
even worse Versailles. The reproaches which they make today to Adolf Hitler
and Germany, recoil one and all on those who make them, and characterize their
actions. They are the disturbers of peace, they are the ones who meditate the
forcible oppression of other peoples and seek to plunge Europe in devastation and
disaster. If if were not so, they would long ago have taken the hand that was
stretched out to them or at least have made a gesture of honestly wishing to
cooperate in a new order, and thus spare the nations "blood, tears and sweat" in
excess.
World history is the world court; and in this case as always when it reaches its
decision it will pronounce a just verdict.
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